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JUNCTION — In late May, state Rep. Andrew Murr, a rank-and-file Republican who has spent his political career dodging the limelight, had a difficult choice to make.
Was he really about to go up against Attorney General Ken Paxton, one of the most powerful officials in the state, a close ally of former President Donald Trump and a member of his own party who had just won reelection by a double-digit margin?
As it turned out, he was.
Murr, serving as the Chair of the House General Investigating Committee, would propose that the Republican-led chamber pursue the impeachment of Paxton on grounds of bribery and corruption.
He was aware that the decision to remove a statewide official, which hadn’t been done in almost a century, would cause complete disorder during the remaining days of the legislative session. This action would compel Republican lawmakers to publicly express their opinion on Paxton’s suspected wrongdoing, and it would probably infuriate the attorney general’s far-right voter base.
If Paxton was not removed from office, it would pose a threat to Murr’s standing within his party.
But for Murr, the answer was clear. The probe into Paxton that he had overseen in secret for three months had produced overwhelming evidence, he believed, that the attorney general had repeatedly abused his office through a symbiotic relationship with a wealthy friend and donor.
During an interview at his Junction law office, located 120 miles west of the Capitol, Murr expressed the view that although one can frame it as a political choice, there comes a time when determining the morally right course of action surpasses political considerations. He firmly believes that withholding such information would be unjust, as it would amount to tolerating corruption within the highest echelons of government.
After Murr delivered a powerful condemnation of the attorney general, the House reached a consensus and voted in favor of Paxton’s impeachment on May 27. During the Senate trial in September, Murr remained a prominent figure representing Republican opposition against Paxton. As the sole House manager to address both the initial and final statements throughout the nine-day proceedings, he passionately urged senators to convict Paxton, as he believed the attorney general had betrayed the people of Texas.
According to his supporters, Murr achieved something extraordinary – he prioritized ethics in the Capitol over his partisan affiliations, which was considered highly unlikely. Moreover, he managed to persuade fellow Republicans to join him in this cause. However, those who were allied with Paxton viewed Murr as the leader of a disloyal group of liberal Republicans who aimed to ruin someone’s reputation based on mere rumors and hearsay.
Senators, who served as jurors, agreed with the latter camp, acquitting Paxton on 16 charges while dismissing the rest as Murr and the other House managers sat in stunned silence.
Paxton, now filled with confidence and reinstated in his position, seeks vengeance. Last Friday, he declared his active participation in endorsing Republican primary contenders against Murr and other officials who voted for his impeachment. Moreover, on Monday, Paxton urged for criminal charges to be pressed against the House managers responsible for disclosing trial evidence that contained the address of his residence in Austin.
Murr’s district is now experiencing the consequences of blowback, which could potentially result in him losing his seat.
“He appears to have betrayed us,” remarked William Garrison, the Chair of the Pecos County Republican Party, expressing his desire for Murr to be unsuccessful in the upcoming March primary. Garrison emphasized that Murr’s accusations against Ken Paxton lack substantiation and concrete evidence.
Murr attributes much of the acquittal to the political influence surrounding the trial and the special connection that Paxton had with the jury.
“In every other jury … the jurors are not supposed to know the parties involved,” he said of the senators who voted to acquit. “Instead we had a jury that predominantly served with [Paxton], they served with his spouse [Sen. Angela Paxton]; they personally knew him well.”
Murr, who plans to run for reelection, shows no remorse for his involvement in the impeachment and firmly supports his committee’s determination that Paxton is too corrupt to continue holding power.
Murr expressed that he does not prioritize his political future over doing what is right. He reiterated a quote from Sam Houston that he had previously shared during the trial: “Choose to do what is right, even if it means facing the potential consequences.”
A rural district
House District 53 comprises a large swath of Central and West Texas, running along Interstate 10 from the Hill Country past the Pecos River to Fort Stockton. It is one of the few truly rural House districts in Texas; its largest city, Kerrville, boasts 24,000 residents. Rocky hills of the Edwards Plateau, unsuitable for farming, give way to desert shrubland. Ranching and hunting dominate life here; the head of a mule deer buck Murr killed hangs above his desk.
Murr, a married man with four children, has dedicated the majority of his life to this place. Being an eighth-generation Texan, he was raised on his family’s ranch in Kimble County, where he experienced a secluded lifestyle, far away from any other individuals.
In 1990, Murr’s father, Hardy, tragically drowned while attempting to rescue a ranch hand. At the time, Murr was 13 years old, while his sister was 9. However, due to the difficult circumstances, Murr was granted a driver’s license at a young age, enabling him to assist with various tasks on the ranch such as hauling feed.
Murr revealed that his father’s passing motivated him to go above and beyond by engaging in a wide range of extracurricular activities. Despite his slender build, he managed to excel as a lineman on the football team. He also actively participated in track and tennis competitions, in addition to showcasing his talents in various theatrical plays.
After completing his studies in agricultural development at Texas A&M University, he made the decision to return to his hometown of Mason County. However, he recognized that pursuing a life as a rancher would entail consistent financial concerns. Consequently, he opted to further his education by enrolling in law school at Texas Tech University. Following a few years of practicing corporate law in Dallas, he ultimately established his own law firm in Junction, the county seat of Kimble County.
Politics also ran in the family. Murr’s grandfather, Coke Stevenson, held various political positions including House speaker, lieutenant governor, and governor during the mid-1900s. He became widely known for his closely contested loss to Lyndon Johnson in the intense 1948 Democratic primary for the U.S. Senate.
It came as no surprise to the residents of Kimble County when Murr assumed the role of county judge, considering that other members of his family had previously served in the same position. However, the circumstances surrounding Murr’s appointment may have been atypical. In 2008, Murr was elected as county attorney, but prior to his official inauguration, the county judge unexpectedly resigned. Consequently, Murr was chosen by the commissioners to step in and fill the vacancy.
The county judge in small counties such as Kimble assumes multiple responsibilities, including handling minor crimes and overseeing the executive and legislative functions of governance. Murr emphasized that this role highlights the importance of ensuring accountability, regardless of personal connections.
Murr emphasized the importance of treating constituents equally, regardless of whether they might have committed a criminal offense. “Even if you come across someone who could be guilty of a crime, remember that you might still bump into them at the grocery store next week,” Murr stated. “It is crucial to treat them with the same respect and fairness as anyone else.”
When the representative for House District 53 announced his retirement in 2014, Murr said local Republican elected officials encouraged him to run. He beat two other candidates in the Republican primary, which is tantamount to winning the general election in the deep-red district.
Entering the House in 2015, the same year as now-Speaker Dade Phelan, R-Beaumont, Murr said he has focused on issues affecting rural Texans. He said this has included lowering property taxes as well as protecting landowners from lawsuits if hunters or laborers get hurt on their property.
According to community leaders, Murr is known for his friendly nature and unwavering honesty. He promptly responds to calls, even if he is unable to provide a solution to a specific issue.
“The executive director of Frontera Healthcare, Mikki Hand, emphasized that he is straightforward in his approach,” stated Hand. “Although it can be frustrating when his response is not what I desired, he simply presents the truth.”
According to Sam Hunnicutt, the rector of Trinity Episcopal Church, where Murr is a parishioner, it is evident that the lawmaker is highly responsive to the requirements of rural Texans.
Hunnicutt explained that the livelihood of these counties primarily relies on ranching, and the hunting industry plays a significant role in supporting many individuals. He further emphasized that Andy, being a rancher himself, possesses a deep understanding of the community and its people.
In addition, it was mentioned that he possesses a distinctive sense of humor. Numerous individuals specifically pointed out his finely groomed mustache, commonly referred to as the “Murrstache,” which gracefully embellishes his visage.
Murr clarified the situation by providing accurate information. He decided to grow his facial hair to commemorate his daughter’s birth in 2020. Initially, he tried to achieve a full beard, but due to its uneven growth, he chose to keep only the mustache. Since then, he has refrained from shaving it and frequently applies wax to maintain its appearance.
The year he debuted the Murrstache at the Capitol, 2021, he also earned his first chairmanship as head of the House Corrections Committee. That session, he authored a bail reform bill that won bipartisan support in the chamber.
Murr has generally proven to be a loyal Republican foot soldier in the House. An analysis of votes in the regular 2023 legislative session placed him near the center of the ideological spectrum of the House GOP. He is, however, among the rural Republicans who have opposed school vouchers in previous years — as he intends to do again during the current special session.
But despite the role he finds himself in, Murr is rarely the instigator of drama or an attention seeker. With just one daily newspaper in his district, he said he seldom grants interviews. Unlike most of his peers, he does not use social media — though his mustache has a fan account on X with more than 550 followers. Murr has largely kept a low profile, even as he rose through the ranks of the House Republican caucus.
All of that was altered by the regular legislative session of 2023.
A session in the spotlight
Representatives do not consider the House General Investigating Committee as a desirable assignment.
The responsibility of this role involves overseeing and enforcing ethical guidelines among fellow House members, a challenging duty in a legislative body where building strong relationships with colleagues is crucial for a legislator’s success.
The investigative committee, on paper, has broad powers to investigate state officials and agencies, though historically the House has rarely exercised that authority. The last high-profile assignment the committee took on, at least publicly, was its 2019 probe into then-Speaker Dennis Bonnen.
Murr was chosen by Phelan to lead the committee this year, a choice that Murr perceived as a reflection of the speaker’s confidence in his capacity to handle confidential matters effectively. Being a lawyer in a small community with a population of 4,400, Murr emphasized the importance of his clients’ trust in his ability to handle their wills, divorces, and criminal cases discreetly, which contributes to his success.
Murr initially believed that the bipartisan committee would be a mundane task, offering him more time to focus on his legislative goals. However, contrary to his expectations, the committee, under his guidance, accomplished the most significant tasks of the session by successfully conducting two major investigations. As a result, Murr gained national recognition and found himself in the spotlight.
The first was the ousting of Rep. Bryan Slaton, whom the committee investigated based on a complaint. The panel concluded that he abused his position by having sex with a 19-year-old aide after getting her drunk. Speaking on the House floor, Murr said expulsion was a “level of punishment we don’t take lightly,” but was warranted given the severity of the misconduct. The House unanimously expelled Slaton on May 9, the first removal of a member since 1927.
Just a few weeks later, the Capitol would witness an even more profound upheaval that would far surpass the shockwaves caused by the expulsion of a member.
The investigation into Paxton had quietly commenced in March, yet its public disclosure was postponed until the last week of May.
In February, Paxton requested that the House cover a $3.3 million settlement he had arranged with four ex-employees. These individuals claimed they were unlawfully terminated after reporting Paxton to the FBI in 2020, alleging his involvement in corruption and bribery. The allegations were linked to his association with Austin real estate investor Nate Paul, a close friend of Paxton.
What troubled Murr and other members was that Paxton refused to appear before the House Judiciary and Civil Jurisprudence Committee at the request of Chair Jeff Leach, R-Plano, and answer questions about the settlement. House members wondered, in essence, if Paxton was asking them to participate in a cover-up by paying the settlement, which would have eliminated the need for a public trial with the whistleblowers.
Due to Paxton’s refusal to cooperate, Murr stated that the investigative committee initiated an investigation on Paxton, publicly referred to as “Matter A.”
Murr emphasized the importance of maintaining secrecy, explaining that it is common for law enforcement to refrain from disclosing the targets of ongoing investigations. He further highlighted that witnesses, even in confidential settings, displayed hesitancy to share information due to their apprehension of potential retaliation from Paxton.
The explosive feud between the House speaker and the attorney general was ignited by Murr’s announcement on May 23, revealing Paxton as the main focus of Matter A. Alleging that Phelan had overseen House proceedings while intoxicated, Paxton called for his resignation.
The following day, the committee’s work was criticized by the attorney general who pointed out that its members had been appointed by the “liberal Speaker Dade Phelan.” Expressing his concern over the allegations against Paxton, Murr amusingly stated that it was enough to “curl his mustache.”
According to Murr, Phelan did not ask for the Paxton investigation and did not inform the speaker about it. It wasn’t until May 25, after the committee recommended impeachment, that they first discussed the topic.
Murr recounted that he was asked about the process of impeachment and the constitutional requirements. After providing an explanation, the person responded with a simple acknowledgment, saying, “Alright, thank you for sharing.”
Phelan, the speaker who seldom votes, joined over 70% of Republicans in supporting the impeachment of Paxton, as the House voted 121-23.
Despite Phelan facing the majority of the right-wing backlash regarding the impeachment trial, it was Murr who risked his political career by delivering compelling public speeches to persuade fellow legislators to take necessary action.
During his closing argument at the trial, Murr informed senators that Paxton completely disregards the values of honor and integrity. Murr further stated that Paxton’s actions have not only betrayed us, the people of Texas, but also warned that if given the chance, he would persist in misusing the power bestowed upon him.
However, only two out of 19 Republican senators showed support for conviction on any of the articles. These contrasting outcomes revealed a significant rift within the Republican party, highlighting the influence of Paxton’s ultraconservative faction.
During the summer, the House impeachment was consistently undermined by the attorney general’s supporters, who also exerted influence on senators to secure acquittal. In August, the conservative group Texas Scorecard published a documentary alleging that the House is effectively controlled by Democrats with the help of compliant Republicans. Murr was identified as one of the 12 Republicans targeted for defeat according to the documentary.
Paxton’s acquittal emboldened those voices.
“After the verdicts, former Republican Rep. Jonathan Stickland, leader of the conservative Defend Texas Liberty PAC, took to social media platform X to declare the commencement of the campaign to eliminate RINOs from Texas.”
Mixed reactions back home
District 53 Republican Party leaders have varying responses to the situation.
Despite not being in complete agreement with Murr on all matters, Paul Zohlen, the Kerr County party chair, acknowledges that impeachment was the only viable option considering the evidence presented by the investigative committee. However, Zohlen anticipates a challenging reelection for Murr in the upcoming year.
According to Zohlen, there are people who have firmly established opinions and no matter what evidence or facts are presented to them, they will not alter their stance.
Despite Zohlen’s disagreement, his party’s executive committee proceeded to propose censuring Murr for his involvement in the impeachment. The Medina and Bandera county Republican parties have already followed suit.
Butch Striegl, the Bandera County chair, pointed out, “It’s important to remember that lawmakers’ salaries are funded by us, the people. They are meant to work for our best interests. Unfortunately, Representative Murr appears to have overlooked this fundamental truth.”
Wes Virdell, a gun rights lobbyist who was defeated by Murr in the 2022 Republican primary, has submitted his candidacy once again. Being a supporter of Paxton, Virdell disapproved of the impeachment, referring to it as a “witch trial.” He has made a commitment to “replace Murr with a genuine conservative.”
Paxton endorsed Virdell on Friday.
Jerry Bearden, a former judge in Mason County, anticipated a contentious primary battle between Murr and Virdell, who belong to divergent factions within the Republican Party. However, Bearden noted that beyond the highly politicized atmosphere in Austin, where only a small number of Texans followed the impeachment closely, Murr possesses a profound understanding of his constituents’ requirements and has consistently demonstrated his ability to work well with other lawmakers.
Bearden stated that the majority of these counties consist of rural individuals striving to earn a livelihood. According to him, Andrew Murr is more of a statesman than a politician.
Murr remains undeterred by Paxton’s acquittal and the far-right’s attempts to derail his political career. He confidently expressed his readiness to resume his duties at the Capitol for the upcoming third special session of the year.
He dismissed the criticism of being labeled a RINO, a term he sees as a derogatory label not related to ideological differences but rather an assessment of an official’s allegiance to fellow Republicans, regardless of their shortcomings.
Murr expressed his disbelief, stating that he shouldn’t feel obligated to remain loyal to an individual who has sworn an oath but is instead engaged in misconduct such as abusing their authority, violating laws, and exploiting the public’s trust. He then questioned the viability of his party’s long-term survival in Texas if such behavior is tolerated within their own ranks.
Disclosure: Texas A&M University and Texas Tech University have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.